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An Exclusive Look At GLBT Attitudes
By
Karen Ocamb
Political and opinion polls matter. But so few polls include
gay people, that IN Los Angeles magazine decided to conduct
one of our own. It's unscientific, and clearly a first effort
-- but we hope it will prompt discussion, spur more concrete
research, and add to the consideration of GLBT people as a
legit minority, albeit one with an admittedly difficult-to-quantify
demographic.
Why a poll? Because polls can influence public policy. Just
ask California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. In a June 21 Field
Poll, the first since Schwarzenegger announced plans to hold
a $45 million special election Nov. 8, 58 percent of Californians
said they disapproved of his job performance. Among registered
voters, that number shrank to 53 percent. The Democratic-controlled
Legislature didn't fare much better, with 57 percent of Californians
saying they disliked that body's job performance.
The numbers had an impact. Both Schwarzenegger and Assembly
Speaker Fabian Nu¯ez got the "clear message"
that the governor and the Legislature need to work together
to do the people's business. The subtext, of course, is a
very real concern for their political futures.
Interpretation of polls by those with access to a bully
pulpit can also influence policy. Consider the exit polls
for the 2004 election. The media and political pundits flipped
when 22 percent of respondents in the CNN poll (other polls
were similar) said "moral values" was the most important
issue in the election. "Economy/jobs" followed with
20 percent. Though there was only a 2 percent difference between
the two issues, the Evangelical Christian push for "moral
values" was seen as the wind beneath the wings of Republican
President George W. Bush's 51 percent victory over Democratic
Sen. John Kerry. Those numbers, plus the success of anti-gay
marriage constitutional amendments in 11 states, emboldened
right-wing social conservatives to claim a mandate for their
religious right agenda. Meanwhile a Democratic whispering
campaign tried to "scapegoat" gays for Kerry's loss.
Not everyone bought the spin. "George Bush increased
his vote in 2004 over 2000 by an average of 3.1 percent nationwide.
In Ohio the increase was 1 percent -- less than a third of
the national average," wrote Washington Post conservative
columnist Charles Krauthammer. "In the 11 states in which
the gay marriage referendums were held, Bush increased his
vote by less than he did in the 39 states that did not have
the referendum. The great anti-gay surge was pure fiction."
But in politics, the best spin wins, often despite the facts.
And that can result in very real consequences, especially
for gay people.
The crux of the problem is that many, if not most Americans
do not regard gay/lesbian sexual orientation as an immutable
characteristic that warrants minority status as a constitutionally
protected class. Rather, they think gay people express a sexual
and emotional "preference" or choice about their
sexual and romantic partners. Since such "lifestyle choices"
are construed by the majority culture to be outside the norm,
social conservatives argue that gays should not be afforded
"special rights" that in any way legitimizes their
"hedonistic behavior."
Most gay people, of course, experience their sexual orientation
as irritably immutable -- just ask gays who've unsuccessfully
tried to become heterosexual. In the 1950s, Mattachine Society
founder Harry Hay considered gays a distinct minority as did
the post-Stonewall Gay Liberationists. Some gay leaders thought
the U.S. Supreme Court identified gays as a protected class
when it ruled that Colorado's anti-gay Amendment 2 was unconstitutional.
Colorado voters passed Amendment 2 in 1992 by a margin of
53.4 percent to 46.6 percent. The referendum enjoined the
state and all other governmental bodies in it from granting
protected status to gays as a group and denied gays legal
redress.
In overturning the referendum, Justice Anthony Kennedy,
writing for the majority in Romer v. Evans, said Amendment
2 "identifies persons by a single trait and then denies
them protection across the board. The resulting disqualification
... is unprecedented in our jurisprudence ... Central both
to the idea of the rule of law and to our own Constitution's
guarantee of equal protection is the principle that government
and each of its parts remain open on impartial terms to all
who seek its assistance; we must conclude that Amendment 2
classifies homosexuals not to further a proper legislative
end but to make them unequal to everyone else. This Colorado
cannot do. A State cannot so deem a class of persons a stranger
to its laws."
To many, "a class of persons" sounded like the
affirmation of minority status. Interestingly, members of
a chosen religion are considered a protected class. But pollsters
apparently still consider gays an "issue," not a
recognized demographic. In the 2004 CNN poll, for instance,
the "gay question" was asked after "Are you
married with children?" and before, "Is there a
gun owner in the household?"
Unlike gender and race, GLBT people often find it difficult
to out themselves. But there is no "self-identified"
qualifier to suggest that a poll's demographic is self-selected.
In the CNN poll, 4 percent answered the gay question affirmatively
-- yielding the interesting statistic that 23 percent voted
for Bush and 77 percent voted for Kerry. Pollsters did not
note that the GLB response was higher than the Asian (2 percent)
and Jewish (3 percent) demographics.
Additionally, though GLBT organizations such as the Human
Rights Campaign and the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force
mightily tried to influence interpretation, few in the mainstream
media listened. The 2004 Associated Press election poll, for
instance, indicated that while 59 percent of voters opposed
gay marriage, 35 percent favored civil unions and 27 percent
favored gay marriage. Combining those percentages, the GLBT
organizations noted that 62 percent of voters supported some
form of legal recognition for gay relationships. That statistic
has buoyed gay leaders facing "super-DOMAs," state
referendums (such as three prospective California efforts
now gathering ballot signatures) that eliminate all legal
recognition of gay relationships, including domestic partnerships.
Not given as much attention is the AP poll result showing
that 17 percent of GLB voters opposed any recognition of gay
relationships. "There's a surprising number of people
in the gay community who oppose our rights," Brad Sears,
executive director of The Williams Project, an GLBT think
tank at UCLA, told IN at the time.
That the GLBT population remains an "issue" and
not a demographic was underscored during the recent race for
mayor of Los Angeles, a city with arguably a huge gay presence.
But gays were missing from an L.A. Times pre-March 8 primary
poll of voter attitudes. When asked about it, Times pollster
Susan Pincus told IN that gays were not an issue in the election
since all the candidates supported gay rights. Additionally,
Pincus said, sometimes the gay question is asked but might
be cut or not included in the reporting if there is not enough
space in the story or in the sidebar. Pincus also noted that,
with a national voting population of between 3-5 percent,
gays are statistically insignificant.
Nonetheless, Pincus included gays in the Times primary exit
poll where gays registered 8 percent, higher than the 6 percent
for Asians whom one cannot imaging being called "statistically
insignificant," despite their 2-3 percent national demographic.
Of that 8 percent, the majority, 43 percent, voted for City
Councilmember Antonio Villaraigosa; 26 percent for attorney
Bob Hertzberg; 20 percent for Mayor Jim Hahn; 7 percent for
Councilmember Bernard Parks; and 2 percent for state Sen.
Richard Alarcon.
Hertzberg, Parks, and Alarcon subsequently endorsed Villaraigosa,
who went on to significantly defeat Hahn in the general election.
But the Times inexplicably failed to include the GLB vote,
despite the fact that gay people were very supportive of Villaraigosa,
and two openly gay candidates, Bill Rosendahl and Mike Gin,
were also running against homophobic campaigns.
Which leads us to the IN LA poll. With the Christopher Street
West Pride parade just days away, IN saw an opportunity to
question a significant number of presumed gay people from
Southern California. We constructed a range of questions to
fit on one page and asked for quick input from Bob Witeck
of Witeck-Combs, Inc., who has conducted many national surveys
with Harris Interactive. For six hours on June 12, a handful
of IN employees asked folks to fill out the anonymous poll.
We collected 259 surveys, not all of which were filled out
completely.
During the survey and afterwards, thanks to help from Gary
Gates, the demographics expert at The Williams Project (www1.law.ucla.edu/~williamsproj/about/staff.html),
we discovered several inadvertent mistakes. For instance,
by considering West Hollywood as part of Greater Los Angeles,
it was impossible to correctly gauge how many people did not
vote in the L.A. mayor's race, and how many didn't vote because
they were not eligible.
Additionally, we asked people if they felt they have a substance
problem or behavior addiction to alcohol, crystal meth, or
sex. Gates found two difficulties. "One, you included
sex addiction with substance abuse. It's impossible to know
to what extent respondents fell into those rather different
groups," he said. "Second, while the results of
your poll are anonymous, the collecting really wasn't in that
you were there to see people filling out the form. That could
definitely inhibit some from answering sensitive questions
like those about addiction."
We also threw out a long question Gates considered misleading.
And, despite our best efforts to allow for the widest range
of self-identification, in the end we decided to simplify
the categories and break the analysis down by age. (The full
poll results will be available on our Web site, www.inlamag.com).
That said, here's what we found: Out of total of 259 respondents,
176 (68 percent) identified as Gay, 46 (18 percent) as lesbian,
15 (6 percent) as bisexual, 1 (0.4 percent) as transgender,
and 21 (8 percent) as straight. There were 32 (12 percent)
people between the ages of 18-25; 85 (33 percent) were between
26-35; 79 (30 percent) were between 36-45; 42 (16 percent)
were between 46-55; and 21 (8 percent) were 56 and older.
More than 7 in 10 respondents -- 184 -- said they were out
and open everywhere, while 60 respondents (23 percent) were
only out at home, work, or with friends. The greater Los Angeles
area was home to 211 (81 percent), while 11 (4 percent) came
from Orange County, 7 (3 percent) from San Diego, 14 (5 percent)
from the Inland Empire, and 16 (6 percent) were from outside
Southern California.
Since IN has often reported on concerns by GLBT leaders
about perceived political apathy within the GLBT community,
we were surprised to see the high percentage (93 percent)
of registered voters. But Gates holds a contrary view.
"Many, especially those opposed to GLBT rights, think
that GLBT political influence far outweighs the size of the
community," Gates said. " Social science surveys
like the National Health and Social Life Survey and a recent
national survey conducted by Statistics Canada, find that
2-3 percent of adults identify as GLB in the population. But
voter exit polls consistently find that 4-5 percent of voters
identify as such. This suggests that the GLB community comprises
a larger portion within voters than within the general population.
That all said, I do think your findings suggest that those
surveyed are relatively politically motivated."
Of the 259 respondents, 241 (93 percent) were registered
to vote, with 172 (66 percent) registered as Democrats, 14
(5 percent) as Republicans, 22 (14 percent) as Independents,
and 14 (5 percent) with "other" political affiliations.
Of those eligible to vote in the L.A. elections, 82 voted
for winner Antonio Villaraigosa and nine voted for Mayor Jim
Hahn. In the 2004 presidential elections, 209 voted for Sen.
John Kerry and 18 voted for President George W. Bush.
It is also interesting to see how that breaks down by age.
Among 18-25 year olds, 27 are registered to vote; 17 are registered
Democrats; one as a Republican; five are Independents; and
four are registered with "Others." Seven voted for
Villaraigosa; three for Hahn.
Twenty-five voted for Kerry; one for Bush.
In the 26-35 age bracket, 75 are registered, 53 as Democrats,
four as Republicans, 5 as Independents, and seven as others.
25 voted for Villaraigosa and two for Hahn. 70 voted for Kerry
and seven voted for Bush.
In the 36-45 age category, 84 are registered; 54 as Democrats;
3 as Republicans; 5 as Independents; and two as Others. 18
voted for Villaraigosa and one for Hahn. 59 voted for Kerry
and five for Bush.
Among 46-55 year olds, 34 are registered; 32 as Democrats;
three as Republicans; five as Independents; and one as Others.
14 voted for Villaraigosa and 2 voted for Hahn. 37 voted for
Kerry and 3 voted for Bush.
In the 56 and older crowd, 21 are registered; 16 as Democrats;
3 as Republicans; 2 as Independents and none as Others 11
voted for Villaraigosa and one for Hahn. 18 voted for Kerry
and two voted for Bush.
Asked if a political candidate's positions on sexual orientation
influence their vote, 220 said yes, and 36 said no. In the
18-25 age group, 26 said yes; 5 said no. Among 26-35 year
olds, 68 said yes; 15 said no. In the 36-45 bracket, 65 said
yes; 10 said no. In the 46-55 category, 42 said yes; five
said no. And among those 56 and older, 19 said Yes; and one
said no.
A slightly large number, 224, consider same sex marriage
to be a civil rights issue, while 29 do not. Broken down by
age, among the18-25 year olds, 27 said yes; five said no.
In the 26-35 category, 73 said yes; nine said no. Among 36-45
year olds, 70 said yes; 11 said no. In the 46-55 category,
34 said yes; three said no. And among those 56 and older,
20 said yes and one said no.
Another surprising statistic, considering the battering
the GLBT community is taking from the Vatican and Christian
Evangelicals, is that 169 (65 percent) said they consider
themselves to be religious or spiritual. Not surprising is
that 177 said they do not regularly attend a church, synagogue
or mosque. Gates notes that many more Americans express a
belief for God than actually attend church but agrees that
the data suggests that like their heterosexual counterparts,
the GLBT community is hungry for a religious/spiritual connection.
Outreach to the GLBT community by a variety of organized faiths
like Episcopalians, Lutherans, and Presbyterians will likely
yield some success.
Asked, "Do you consider yourself religious/spiritual?"
169 said yes, while 75 said No. Broken down by age, among18-25
year olds, 18 said Yes; 12 said No. In the 26-35 category,
63 said Yes; 22 said No. Among 36-45 year olds, 47 said Yes;
20 said No. Among ages 46-55, 25 said Yes; 16 said No. And
among those 56 and older, 16 said Yes and 5 said No.
Asked if they attend a church, synagogue or mosque regularly,
177 respondents said No, while 67 said Yes. Broken down by
age groups, among 18-25 year olds15 said Yes; 17 No. In the
26-35 category, 14 said Yes; 71 said No. Among 36-45 year
olds, 18 said Yes; 46 said No. In the 46-55 group, 12 said
Yes; 30 said No. And among those 56 and older, 8 said Yes
and 13 said No.
Asked if they thought HIV/AIDS is still a crisis in Los
Angeles, 235 respondents said Yes, while 10 said No. Broken
down by age, in the 18-25 group, 30 said Yes; none said No.
Among 26-35 year olds, 70 said Yes; 6 said No. In the 35-45
category, 75 said Yes; 2 said No. Among 46-55 year olds, 39
said Yes; 2 said No. And among those 56 and older, 21 said
Yes and none said No.
Despite the crisis, 96 people feel HIV/AIDS preventions
message do not work, though a majority, 154 respondents, think
they do work. Broken down by age, among 18-25 year olds, 24
said Yes; 8 said No. In the 26-35 bracket, 50 said Yes; 34
said No. In the 36-45 group, 40 said Yes; 33 said No. In the
46-55 group, 27 said Yes; 15 said No. And, among those 56
and older, 13 said Yes and 6 said No.
We bluntly asked if people used crystal meth. Of 259 respondents,
234 said never, 14 said Occasionally, two said yes and eight
Refused to answer. Breaking that down by age, in the 18-26
group, one said Yes; 2 said occasionally; 23 said never; and
three refused to answer. In the 26- 35 category, one said
yes; four said occasionally; 71 said never; and five refused
to answer. Among 36-45 year olds, none said yes; six said
occasionally; 73 said never; and none refused to answer. Among
46-55 year olds, none said yes; 2 said occasionally; 46 said
never; and none refused to answer. Among those 56 and older,
all 21 said they had never used crystal meth.
Regarding the aforementioned question about having a substance
problem or an addition, 239 said no, 16 said yes, and four
refused to answer. But Gates said he was shocked looking at
the results by age. In the 18-25 category, Eight said yes;
21 said no; and one refused to answer. In the 26-35 bracket,
two said Yes; 80 said No; and 3 refused to answer. In the
36-45 age category, six said yes; 74 said no; and none refused
to answer. Age 46 to older all said they had no problem.
"I think your results highlight the addiction issue
in the GLBT community," said Gates. "Half of those
who identified an addiction were in the 18-25 age group and
among that group a quarter indicated an addiction. That is
pretty shocking."
Polls matter because they influence politicians and policy
makers. And not collecting data about the GLBT community prompts
policy makers, most of whom are straight, to not even think
of GLBT people when making decisions. The four-year-old National
Coalition for GLBT Health is trying to do something about
this through their new Web site, GayData.org, designed to
act as a "central repository for GLBT scientific information"
regarding health-related issues.
Nonetheless, it would still be nice to be included in mainstream
polls as a viable, vital community, as we think the IN poll
illustrates we are.
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