|
By Sen. Robert Byrd
Americans have been stunned at the recent news of the
abuses of power by an overzealous president. It has become
apparent that this administration has engaged in a consistent
and unrelenting pattern of abuse against our country's
law-abiding citizens, and against our Constitution.
We have been stunned to hear reports about the Pentagon
gathering information and creating databases to spy on
ordinary Americans whose only sin is to choose to exercise
their First Amendment right to peaceably assemble. Those
Americans who choose to question the administration's flawed
policy in Iraq are labeled by this administration as "domestic
terrorists."
We now know that the FBI's use of National Security Letters
on American citizens has increased 100-fold, requiring
tens of thousands of individuals to turn over personal
information and records. These letters are issued without
prior judicial review, and provide no real means for an
individual to challenge a permanent gag order.
Through news reports, we have been shocked to learn of
the CIA's practice of rendition, and the so-called "black
sites," secret locations in foreign countries, where
abuse and interrogation have been exported, to escape the
reach of U.S. laws protecting against human rights abuses.
We know that Vice President Dick Cheney has asked for exemptions
for the CIA from the language contained in the McCain torture
amendment banning cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment -- thank
God his pleas have been rejected by this Congress.
Now comes the stomach-churning revelation through an executive
order, that President Bush has circumvented both the Congress
and the courts. He has usurped the third branch of government -- the
branch charged with protecting the civil liberties of our
people -- by directing the National Security Agency
to intercept and eavesdrop on the phone conversations and
e-mails of American citizens without a warrant, which is
a clear violation of the Fourth Amendment. He has stiff-armed
the people's branch of government. He has rationalized
the use of domestic, civilian surveillance with a flimsy
claim that he has such authority because we are at war.
The executive order, which has been acknowledged by the
president, is an end-run around the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act, which makes it unlawful for any official
to monitor the communications of an individual on American
soil without the approval of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Court.
What is the president thinking? Congress has provided for
the very situations that the president is blatantly exploiting.
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, housed in
the Department of Justice, reviews requests for warrants
for domestic surveillance. The Court can review these requests
expeditiously and in times of great emergency. In extreme
cases, where time is of the essence and national security
is at stake, surveillance can be conducted before the warrant
is even applied for.
This secret court was established so that sensitive surveillance
could be conducted, and information could be gathered without
compromising the security of the investigation. The purpose
of the FISA Court is to balance the government's role in
fighting the war on terror with the Fourth Amendment rights
afforded to each and every American.
The American public is given vague and empty assurances
by the president that amount to little more than "trust
me." But, we are a nation of laws and not of men.
Where is the source of that authority he claims? I defy
the administration to show me where in the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act, or the U.S. Constitution, they are allowed
to steal into the lives of innocent American citizens and
spy.
When asked yesterday what the source of this authority
was, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had no answer.
Secretary Rice seemed to insinuate that eavesdropping on
Americans was acceptable because FISA was an outdated law,
and could not address the needs of the government in combating
the new war on terror. This is a patent falsehood. The
USA Patriot Act expanded FISA significantly, equipping
the government with the tools it needed to fight terrorism.
Further amendments to FISA were granted under the Intelligence
Authorization Act of 2002 and the Homeland Security Act
of 2002. In fact, in its final report, the 9/11 Commission
noted that the removal of the pre-9/11 "wall" between
intelligence officials and law enforcement was significant
in that it "opened up new opportunities for cooperative
action."
The president claims that these powers are within his role
as commander in chief. Make no mistake, the powers granted
to the commander in chief are specifically those as head
of the Armed Forces. These warrantless searches are conducted
not against a foreign power, but against unsuspecting and
unknowing American citizens. They are conducted against
individuals living on American soil, not in Iraq or Afghanistan.
There is nothing within the powers granted in the commander
in chief clause that grants the president the ability to
conduct clandestine surveillance of American civilians.
We must not allow such groundless, foolish claims to stand.
The president claims a boundless authority through the
resolution that authorized the war on those who perpetrated
the Sept. 11 attacks, but that resolution does not give
the president unchecked power to spy on our own people.
That resolution does not give the administration the power
to create covert prisons for secret prisoners. That resolution
does not authorize the torture of prisoners to extract
information from them. That resolution does not authorize
running black-hole secret prisons in foreign countries
to get around U.S. law. That resolution does not give the
president the powers reserved only for kings and potentates.
I continue to be shocked and astounded by the breadth with
which the administration undermines the constitutional
protections afforded to the people, and the arrogance with
which it rebukes the powers held by the legislative and
judicial branches. The president has cast off federal law,
enacted by Congress, often bearing his own signature, as
mere formality. He has rebuffed the rule of law, and he
has trivialized and trampled upon the prohibitions against
unreasonable search and seizures guaranteed to Americans
by the United States Constitution.
We are supposed to accept these dirty little secrets. We
are told that it is irresponsible to draw attention to
President Bush's gross abuse of power and constitutional
violations. But what is truly irresponsible is to neglect
to uphold the rule of law. We listened to the president
speak on the potential for democracy in Iraq. He claims
to want to instill in the Iraqi people a tangible freedom
and a working democracy, but at the same time he violates
our own U.S. laws and checks and balances? President Bush
called the recent Iraqi election "a landmark day in
the history of liberty." I dare say in this country
we may have reached our own sort of landmark. Never have
the promises and protections of liberty seemed so illusory.
Never have the freedoms we cherish seemed so imperiled.
These renegade assaults on the Constitution and our system
of laws strike at the very core of our values, and foster
a sense of mistrust and apprehension about the reach of
government.
I am reminded of Thomas Payne's famous words, "These
are the times that try men's souls."
These astounding revelations about the bending and contorting
of the Constitution to justify a grasping, irresponsible
administration under the banner of "national security" are
an outrage. Congress can no longer sit on the sidelines.
It is time to ask hard questions of the attorney general,
the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, and the
director of the CIA. The White House should not be allowed
to exempt itself from answering the same questions simply
because it might assert some kind of "executive privilege" in
order to avoid further embarrassment.
The practice of domestic spying on citizens should halt
immediately. Oversight hearings need to be conducted. Judicial
action may be in order. We need to finally be given answers
to our questions: Where is the constitutional and statutory
authority for spying on American citizens, what is the
content of these classified legal opinions asserting there
is a legality in this criminal usurpation of rights, who
is responsible for this dangerous and unconstitutional
policy, and how many American citizens' lives have been
unknowingly affected?
|